Its sheer bloody murder, right on our doorstep

Komisi untuk Orang Hilang dan Tindak Kekerasan (Kontras) dan Elsham Papua meminta pemerintah Indonesia agar persidangan terhadap para terdakwa kasus Kongres Rakyat Papua III, yang akan dilaksanakan di Pengadilan Negeri Jayapura, pada 30 Januari 2012, harus terbuka untuk umum.

Pacific will not be free until West Papua is ‘free from atrocities’, say activists

“Free West Papua” – the Pacific is not free until West Papua is free. This 42-year-old slogan of the indigenous people of West Papua has been reverberating for almost a week in Auckland as the Pacific Islands countries gathered to convene for the Pacific Islands Forum in New Zealand.

NZ, Australian human rights groups call for UN probe on West Papua

Fifteen human rights and social justice movements based in Australia and New Zealand today called on UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to immediately appoint a special United Nations representative to investigate the alleged human rights violations in West Papua and its political status.

UN Secretary-General on West Papua: NGO solidarity statement

We are very encouraged by the statement of the United Nations Secretary-General, Ban ki-Moon, at a media conference in Auckland yesterday, 7 September 2011, that West Papua should be discussed by the Decolonisation Committee of the United Nations …Statement from the West Papua solidarity gathering at Nga Wai o Horotiu, Tamaki Makaurau / Auckland, Aotearoa New Zealand

The blacklisting of Rio Tinto

Investing in conflict-affected and high-risk areas is a growing concern for responsible businesses and investors. Often times companies based in developed countries operate in lesser-developed, foreign markets, where governance standards are lax, corruption is high and business practices are poor.

Sunday, January 29, 2012

It's sheer bloody murder, right on our doorstep

What the Indonesian military is doing is criminal and barbaric, writes Charlie Hill-Smith.

THE highest mountains between the Himalayas and the Andes are the snow-topped crags of West Papua (4884 metres). A tropical glacier pokes out of the sweltering green of Asia's largest rain forests. This is the second largest island on earth, with 15 per cent of all the world's languages, an encyclopaedic biodiversity and a new El Dorado for our resource-hungry world.

Most of us know little about the shady goings-on inside the giant forested island just to our north. But a constant trickle of murders, disappearances, arrests, torture and a wave of mass civil actions have raised the international volume of this previously silent war.

In 1999, we caught a glimpse of the murderous behaviour of the Indonesian military (TNI) as they butchered, raped and burnt the civilian population of East Timor, and it is these same forces that now run West Papua.

Despite great changes in Jakarta for democracy, human rights and civilian rule, the TNI are still a law unto themselves in Indonesia's far-flung provinces. Only 40 per cent of the TNI's military budget is supplied by Jakarta. The rest is grafted from the locals and their land in these rich, remote locations.

Although President Yudhoyono and Prime Minister Gillard consistently defend the Indonesian security forces, a stream of incriminating leaks shows their real form. Here's a snapshot:

■ In August 2009, YouTube screened the torture and murder of potato farmer Yawen Wayeni at Matembu village. TNI soldiers taunted Yawen after disemboweling him and sitting around as he slowly died.

■ In 2010, YouTube showed TNI soldiers torturing detainees, burning their genitals with burning sticks.

Last year, a surveillance report from Indonesian Special Forces (Kopassus), ''Anatomy of Papuan Separatists'', was leaked. It laid bare the TNI's repressive and pervasive strategies of spying on and threatening every echelon of West Papuan society at home and abroad. Jacob Rumbiak, a West Papuan exile now Australian citizen living in Melbourne, is a major character in my documentary, Strange Birds in Paradise - A West Papuan Story, and one of the ''targets'' detailed in the Kopassus report.

Things really heated up last September when thousands of mine workers at the Freeport McMoran-Rio Tinto-owned Grasberg mine went on a lengthy strike, closing the world's largest gold and copper mine, Indonesia's biggest taxpayer. The stopwork cost the companies $US30 million dollars per day. So when the miners downed tools to demand pay increases from a paltry $US1.50 an hour up to a lavish $US3 an hour, a lot of rich and powerful people took notice.

A month later, on October 19, 200 language groups from all over West Papua met in the capital, Jayapura, for the ''Third Papuan People's Congress''. The group declared its independence from Indonesia and elected a president and a prime minister and called for United Nations monitors to be deployed.

As the congress wrapped up, the security forces moved in, opened fire and arrested hundreds of peaceful delegates. Indonesia's elite anti-terror squad, Densus 88, trained and supplied by Australia, was pivotal in the violence. Six bodies have since turned up in sewers and ditches around town.

Theys Eluay, elected President by the Congress in 2000, was subsequently strangled to death by Kopassus Special Forces.

Less than a month ago, on December 13, four full-strength TNI combat battalions began a security ''sweeping operation'' in the Paniai district of West Papua. Reports from local human rights groups say that 27 villages were attacked, 75 houses burnt down, six schools destroyed and at least 18 people murdered. Unconfirmed reports state that helicopters machinegunned and threw gas grenades into the village of Markas Eduda. It was reported that 10,800 people fled to hide in the jungle, bringing back memories of the 1989-93 operations where the TNI were accused of torturing thousands of innocent people and extrajudicial killings.

What part of ''psychotic, neocolonial uber-mafia'' doesn't the Australian government understand? This is not a well-groomed fighting force, the quashers of the Dutch, the saviours of the Indonesian people. This is a self-serving, armed corporate mafia. In Jakarta, the TNI have been dragged into the 21st century by dedicated democrats, but West Papua is a long way from there.

To make matters worse, the long-suffering Australian Defence Forces have been forced to train these nasty bastards by successive Australian governments.

It took shocking video of the infamous Santa Cruz massacre in East Timor for the world to finally support the East Timorese against the barbarity of the Indonesian military. The evidence is in for West Papua and it is time for Australia to wake up and realise this human rights disaster is not going away.

Charlie Hill-Smith is the writer and director of Strange Birds in Paradise: A West Papuan Story

Once again, Australia is silent about violence on its doorstep

John Wing

We must act urgently to protect West Papuans from Indonesian brutality.

In West Papua, it's appeasement, violence and business as usual for Indonesia. There is a vast difference between promises made to the people of West Papua and what actually happens.

President Yudhoyono once pledged to solve the Papuan issue in a ''dignified, just and peaceful'' manner.

During 2011 he made similar guarantees to heads of state such as President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Julia Gillard.

Yet violence remains entrenched in the province and is worsening. Rather than drawing down its military in the region, Jakarta is now increasing its estimated 30,000-strong presence. In mid-December, defence spokesman Colonel Sigit Priyono announced the deployment of troops now in Java, Aceh and Kalimantan.

Response to the conflict from foreign governments including Australia, the country nearest to West Papua with the exception of PNG, is to remain silent, echoing the 1999 reaction to the violence spreading in East Timor.

With operations currently centred in the highland area of Paniai, security forces are killing West Papuans accused of ''separatism''. On December 12, police attacked a site in Eduda, believed to be the headquarters of a local cell of the OPM (Independent Papua Organisation) and 14 were killed.

Human rights monitors report a ''military siege involving horrendous destruction and violence'', including torching of villages and chapels, deaths and forced evacuations.

Last week soldiers on a ''routine patrol'' shot dead a suspected OPM member, Lindiron Tabuni, the son of Goliat Tabuni, leader of Puncak Jaya district's OPM group.

Clearly, lethal force is used as the first resort against West Papuans, branded as ''treasonous'' and ''terrorists''. Indonesian authority is viewed by West Papuans as repressive and neo-colonial, lacking in concern for their welfare.

Lindiron Tabuni's targeted killing is significant as he is from a large clan scattered in small subsistence farming hamlets. The Tabuni clan's bow-and-arrow resistance to the modern, well-armed Indonesian security apparatus, regarded as brutal invaders, enjoys support. Tabuni's death will likely invite a response that will lead to further retaliation.

The shootout is the latest incident of violence in a bloody start to the year, despite a promise from the President to church leaders on December 16 that he would ''command the chief of police and the armed forces (TNI) to stop the violence in Paniai''.

Indonesia's pledges appease foreign governments who are compelled to stand up for human rights, but who are also pursuing their own national and commercial interests.

Jayapura chief of police Imam Setiawan typified a mindset when he referred to peaceful advocates of independence: ''Whoever supports separatism or subversion activity . . . I'm ready to die and finish them,'' he said. ''This is my duty.''

Djoko Suyanto, Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs, has supported the use of force. Defence commission chairman Mahfudz Siddiq said, following a peaceful protest rally in the capital, Jayapura, in October at which six were murdered, that security forces ''should have been firmer''.

After 50 years of Indonesian rule, clearly the status quo is not working.

There is a responsibility on the part of the international community to try to protect non-combatants in this undeclared war between Indonesia and the people it governs, given that it was the UN that ceded control of Papua to Indonesia following its annexation in the 1960s.

If Jakarta felt serious about peace and resolution of the conflict, it would end the ''security approach'' to West Papuan grievances.

The province remains Indonesia's only designated ''zone of military operations''. This seems a contradiction. The region is proudly promoted as a province important to Indonesia's ''territorial integrity'', where the citizenry voted to integrate with Indonesia in 1969 and are delighted with the arrangement.

The fact that the 1969 vote was a coerced, stage-managed farce orchestrated by a mass-murderer is conveniently glossed over by diplomats. There has been discontent ever since.

General Suharto and his successors built fortunes from West Papuan rainforest timber concessions and mineral resource wealth, operating a network of enterprises of no benefit to the local population. The security forces justify their presence, and benefit financially, from a continuation of hostilities.

Our Melanesian friends of the critical Pacific War years were quickly forgotten when General MacArthur and the Allied forces left their headquarters in Hollandia (Jayapura). Their post-colonial plight remains a stain on the national and international collective conscience.

West Papuan political prisoners make up a disproportionate percentage of Indonesia's jail population, some serving 10 to 15-year terms for possessing or raising the outlawed ''Morning Star'' flag, bestowed by the departing Dutch in 1961 but banned under Suharto until today.

A history of neglect has seen West Papua fall behind on all human development indices. It has the country's highest poverty and the lowest standards on all health indicators, the highest infant and maternal mortality rates and highest national HIV/AIDS infection rate found in the general community.

It has the lowest education standards as measured by school attendance, trained teachers, infrastructure and availability of resources.

While the conflict persists, advancement in wellbeing will continue to elude the bulk of the indigenous population. With limited or no access to development agencies, the people will stay poor and illiterate, dying from preventable illnesses. Mistrust, violence, intimidation and psychological abuse will continue, ad infinitum, as West Papuans are pushed further aside.

Realpolitik has determined their modern history to be a tragic one. West Papuans have to date only dreamed of, and prayed for, a better fate.

An international, third-party-facilitated dialogue is now imperative. It is the least they should be offered.

John Wing is a research fellow at the University of Sydney's Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies and author of the report Genocide in West Papua?

Wests a world apart in bloody bid for freedom

WA and West Papua have a few things in common. Apart from both having "west" in our names, we are both the resource-rich cash cows of our respective nations and we've both bandied about the word "separatism".

In WA, the secessionist movement is both part of our history and a pervasive sentiment that makes talkback radio listeners grumblingly ask "why should our minerals royalties be used to pay for hospitals in Victoria?".

Most West Australians are not serious about wanting to slice ourselves off from the rest of Australia. We can see the benefits, and no one disputes that we willingly signed up to Federation. But this feeling of wanting to keep what is rightfully ours, and not sharing it, is the core of the resistance to the mining tax. In our hearts we are separatists.

Meanwhile in West Papua, separatism is a word used seriously. Some, like rebel leader Jhon Yogi, take a military approach and lead a group armed with old rifles and bows and arrows.

Yogi is a hunted man, the likes of which a movie will be made about one day. In the past few months, the Indonesian military presence in West Papua has escalated. In a gunfight last month, a police officer was shot, allegedly by Yogi's men, and in retaliation his village was surrounded by paramilitary police on December 13 and burnt to the ground. In the following few weeks, 27 villages were burnt and more than 9000 people were chased into the jungles and foothills, where they worry about starving as the military forces them higher into the mountains to places where food is more scarce.

According to West Papua media reports, four fully armed combat battalions are searching the area for Yogi but he is eluding and frustrating them.

While Yogi is swashbuckling, he is not the main attraction of the separatist movement. The real power players are the ones behind the peaceful People's Congress held on October 16-19. About 3000 West Papuans attended despite the meeting being surrounded by a ring of military with tanks and machineguns.

On the last day, Forkorus Yaboisembut and Edison Waromi were appointed president and prime minister of independent West Papua but as their positions were announced the gunfire started. In the melee at least seven people were shot dead and 800 were arrested, including the new appointees. Yaboisembut and Waromi are in custody awaiting trial for treason.

From where we stand it's easy to be baffled by their actions. Why is Yogi hiding in the jungle?

Why did these people adopt these titles if they knew it would lead to imprisonment and torture?

This is where it helps to draw comparisons. In WA, we are part of a nation by the choice of our predecessors. But what if the last century had ended differently and we had been gifted to Indonesia to appease it for some reason, like Papua was given to Indonesia in the 1960s to discourage it from siding with Russia in the Cold War? What if we had been given no say in the decision?

Or if we'd not only been given no say, but 1000 people were rounded up and threatened with death or mutilation if they didn't vote yes? Would we feel even more irritated about our mineral resources being used to fund hospitals and roads in the rest of the country?

Here we love our mines and miners. The companies pay good wages because miners work hard in harsh places. But how would we feel about the companies if our miners were being paid less than $1.50 an hour? Would that justify them doing what the Freeport miners did last year - strike for three months to get a pay rise? And what would we have them do if the company agreed to pay them $7.50 an hour but refused to guarantee that they won't be hunted down and shot for striking in the first place?

The final question is how would we feel about Australia, the country right next door, if we filmed our friends and neighbours being arrested, tortured and killed and sent the footage to the media in Australia and if the Australian Government ignored us and carried on talking to Indonesia as if we didn't exist? As if what was happening was just made up by a few crazy activists, and if instead they were so chummy with Indonesia that they invited their soldiers over for training and gave them gifts of millions of dollars worth of military equipment.

If you think about it like this, the West Papuans are just like us. History has not been as kind to them, but their responses resonate with the range of things that we would probably do in similar circumstances. On the whole, they've had enough and want a different future.

In 2001, Indonesia bowed to international pressure and gave them a special autonomy package, but it was just a piece of paper. Nothing changed.

That's why Yogi is in the jungle and why Yaboisembut and Waromi did what they did in October, knowing it would land them in prison. They're hoping the international pressure will ramp up and this time wind back the violence and the resources stripping for real.

Dr Kayt Davies is a senior lecturer in journalism at Edith Cowan University


Source; http://au.news.yahoo.com/

Indonesia: Drop Charges Against Papuan Activists

(New York) - The Indonesian government should drop charges against five Papuan activists who are being prosecuted for peacefully expressing their political views, Human Rights Watch said today. On January 30, 2012, the district court in Jayapura, the Papua provincial capital, will begin the treason (makar) trial of five leaders of the Papuan People's Congress, which the authorities forcibly dispersed last October.

"The Indonesian government should show its commitment to peaceful expression by dropping the charges against these five Papuan activists," said Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. "It's appalling that a modern democratic nation like Indonesia continues to lock up people for organizing a demonstration and expressing controversial views."

On October 19, 2011, Indonesian security forces, using excessive force, broke up a three-day Papuan People's Congress gathering in Jayapura, Human Rights Watch said. After one of the leaders read the 1961 Papua Declaration of Independence out loud, police and the army fired warning shots to disperse the approximately 1,000 Papuans gathered for the peaceful demonstration supporting independence for Papua. The security forces then used batons and in some instances firearms against the demonstrators, killing at least three and injuring more than 90 others. Witnesses said that demonstrators had been struck on the head and several suffered gunshot wounds.

Following the incident, eight police officers, including the Jayapura police chief, Imam Setiawan, were given written warnings for committing a disciplinary infraction by not giving priority to the protection of civilians. However, no other action was taken against police or military personnel for possible misuse of force.

Five of the activists- Forkorus Yaboisembut, Edison Waromi, August Makbrowen Senay, Dominikus Sorabut, and Selpius Bobii - were charged with treason under article 106 of the Indonesian Criminal Code and have been held in police detention since October 19. Another Papuan, Gat Wenda, a member of the Penjaga Tanah Papua, orPepta (Papua Land Guard), which provided security at the Congress, will be tried separately on charges of possessing a sharp weapon.

At least 15 Papuans have been convicted of treason for peaceful political activities. They include Filep Karma, a civil servant who has been imprisoned since December 2004. About 60 other people throughout Indonesia, mostly activists from the Moluccas Islands, are also imprisoned on charges related to peaceful acts of free expression. Human Rights Watch renewed its call for the Indonesian government to release all political prisoners and allow human rights organizations and foreign journalists unimpeded access to visit Papua.

The Indonesian Criminal Code should be amended to ensure that no one is prosecuted for treason for exercising their rights to peaceful protest protected under the Indonesian constitution and international law, Human Rights Watch said. The constitution in article 28(e) states, "Every person shall have the right to the freedom of association and expression of opinion." Article 28(f) provides, "Every person shall have the right to communicate and obtain information for the development of his/her personal life and his/her social environment, and shall have the right to seek, acquire, possess, keep, process, and convey information by using all available channels." The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which Indonesia ratified in 2006, similarly protects the rights to free expression and peaceful assembly.

Human Rights Watch takes no position on claims to self-determination in Indonesia. Consistent with international law, however, Human Rights Watch supports the right of everyone, including independence supporters, to express their political views peacefully without fear of arrest or other forms of reprisal.

"The Indonesian government should be prosecuting the people responsible for the ugly and unnecessary crackdown that left three Papuans dead, not those who read out a 1961 independence statement," Pearson said. "Pursuing this trial will only deepen the resentment that many Papuans feel against the government."

Source; www.trust.org

Human rights abuses and the media

Asia-Pacific Journalism, Pacific Media Centre

18 January, 2012

After a period of Dutch control, possession of West Papua was handed to Indonesia in a deal brokered by the US. This deal, known as the New York Agreement of 1962, promised West Papuan self-determination which led to the 1969 Act of Free Choice. This act, later branded as the “Act of No Choice”, was stripped of any legitimacy as a little more than 1000 hand-picked West Papuans representing a population of close to one million voted unanimously under military threats and coercion to retain Indonesian sovereignty. Reported incidents of human rights abuses inflicted on the West Papuan people at the mercy of the Indonesian military includes widespread violence, killings, torture, disappearance, rape, sexual violence, transmigration schemes, forced relocation, and the spread of infectious diseases such as HIV which has seriously harmed the existence of the West Papuan people. This article is a newspaper analysis of the Jakarta Globe, The New Zealand Herald, and The Sydney Morning Herald media coverage. Nigel Moffiet reports.

ANALYSIS: It can be argued that Indonesian abuses in West Papua are crimes consistent with the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide as a consequence of exploitation, transmigration, West Papuan displacement, targeted military brutality at West Papuan communities, and the systematic spread of infectious diseases. Given genocide is not a term to use lightly extreme caution must be made in using the label so as to avoid “the risk of setting up taxonomies of genocide, or opening crucial space in debates for re-engaging precisely the kinds of discourses that enable and naturalise it in the first place” (Banivanua-Mar, 2008, p. 586). Yet, the debate is taken seriously with the interests of ‘prevention and restitution rather than simply definition in order to “more effectively work backwards to a deeper and more practical understanding of how genocide happens” (Banivanua-Mar, 2008, p. 596-597). In this context, I also carry out media analysis and reportage of West Papuan human rights abuses and the question of genocide by The Jakarta Post, The New Zealand Herald, and The Sydney Morning Herald.

Analysing human rights abuses within West Papua involved searching for the words “West Papua” and “genocide” within the archives of the three newspapers’ respective search engines. Surprisingly, the Jakarta Post had the most content fitting this description with 25 articles, followed by the Sydney Morning Herald with five articles and The New Zealand Herald with six.

Exploitation of West Papuan land and resources
The province of West Papua is rich in natural resources and since Indonesian rule government and military officials have been involved in the extraction this wealth through mining and forestry. The consequences of this exploitation has been dire for the Papuan people and has led to human rights abuses as observed by West Papuan campaigner John Rumbiak who stated that “all abuses in West Papua were caused by military and police presence aimed at protecting mining firms, forest concessions and timber estates exploiting natural resources”(Wing & King, 2005, p. 2).

Part of the systematic abuse towards the Melanesian people of West Papua included denying them the right to work or gain any wealth from their own natural resources in favour of generating work and wealth for the Indonesian Javanese population. On a 1980 visit to West Papua, a US professor noted a “planned influx of Indonesian workers, including more than 2000 families that were scheduled to be ‘dropped’ near two major oilfields in order to implement a ‘policy of non-employment of Melanesians in the oil industry’” (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 26). This is also evident in the US-owned Freeport copper mine which in 1982 employed 452 expatriates, 1859 Indonesians, and only 200 Papuans who were employed as unskilled laborers” (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 26).

Intensifying the problem is the relocation of villages due the seizure of land. In June 1980, the Amungme tribe from the Tembagapura region were relocated to a coastal area that had widespread malaria creating an epidemic that killed 216 children. Freeport failed to provide food or medicine during the epidemic and the Indonesian government failed to assist despite the official acknowledgement of the epidemic” (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 26-27).

The exploitation of West Papua’s timber resources and exploitation of West Papuan labour is another problem with evidence of serious breaches of human rights. One of the documents of abuse includes the relocation of the Asmat tribe from the southern coast of West Papua by Jakarta-based timbre companies. The Asmat people were forced into compulsory labour which included the deforestation of their own land at below-subsistence wages with threats of arrest for those who refused to work. This relocation and enforced labour within the timber industry had such an impact that an Indonesian environmental group warned that the Asmat people were “on the brink of cultural starvation after a decade of enforced ironwood logging” (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 28).

A major 2005 report by Indonesian based environmental organisation Tilapia and the UK and US-based Environmental Investigation Agency found that the Indonesian military and government officials are involved in the illegal smuggling of up to 300,000 cubic meters of timber a month from Papua to China. This illegal smuggling is valued at more than US $1 billion (Wing & King, 2005, p. 4).

Transmigration and West Papuan displacement
As well as forcing many West Papuan tribes and communities from their land in order to exploit natural resources, Indonesia has also carried out systematic transmigration policy that has been designed to strip the West Papuan people of their identity making them minorities on their own land. By the end of 1984, the Indonesian government had set up 24 transmigration sites across 700,000 hectares of reappropriated West Papuan land. This resulted in 27,726 Indonesian families relocating on West Papuan land; close to 140,000 people over 10 years. Further more, the Indonesian government required that “Papuans be dispersed, with one Papuan family to every nine Javanese families, thus ensuring that the Papuans would become a minority in each area” (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 33).

This has resulted in the marginalisation of West Papuans within the cities as second class citizens to the extent that “propaganda posters sponsored by the ‘Project for the Guidance of Alien Societies’” urged the Papuans to relinquish their inefficient and primitive ways for the superior lifestyle of the Indonesians (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 34). As well as marginalisation within their own communities, transmigration has “led to the loss of traditional lands and forests where once local tribes used to hunt and gather food. There is no transfer of knowledge and technology to substitute for lost basic rights’ (Wing & King, 2005, p. 4).

Increased presence of Indonesian military
In a 2005, in a University of Sydney report for the West Papua Project, it was concluded that “the Indonesian armed forces (TNI) in Papua are the main source of suffering and instability in the province” (Wing & King, 2005, p. 2). Human rights abuses carried out by the Indonesian armed forces is only escalating as troop build up in the West Papuan region continues with incidents of rape, torture and extrajudicial killings. In 1981, the Indonesian military launched Operation Clean Sweep which resulted in rapes, assaults, killings, and looting of villages if anybody was suspected to be part of the Papuan independence movement Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 29). The operation aimed to “intimidate those suspected of supporting the OPM and to cleanse the boarder regions of Papua to make room for Javanese migrants”. Survivors of the operation reported that “whole families had been bayoneted to death and their bodies left to rot”. The Indonesian military also had the slogan: “Let the rats run into the jungle so that the chickens can breed in the coop.” By the summer of 1981 the operation escalated into the Central Highlands of West Papua were the Indonesian armed forces responded to suspected OPM activity by bombing the village of Madi in the Paniai basin. The attack included the use of napalm and chemical weapons against the villagers and killed at least 2500 people with estimates that the death toll could have even reached 13,000 (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 29).

Since then, Indonesian troop buildups have continued and between 2005 and 2009 up to 15,000 extra troops were deployed throughout the West Papuan region (Wing & King, 2005, p. 13). The result of this military buildup is that there is an increased level of human rights abuses and violent clashes between resistant West Papuans and the Indonesian military. This is catastrophic for local communities as the incidents are “used to justify the deployment of new troop reinforcements, which in turn lead to greater human rights abuses, reaction from aggrieved Papuans, then further militarisation. A dangerous and destructive spiral is thus perpetuated” (Wing & King, 2005, p. 7).

The spread of serious disease and HIV/AIDS
The disruption and upheaval to traditional West Papuan existence brought about through Indonesian colonisation and exploitation of the regions natural resources has also led to the spreading of serious disease. A Dutch missionary working in West Papua during the 1980s said infant mortality rates in the region were above 60 percent, and the average life expectancy no more than 31 years (Brundidge et al, 2004, p. 34). Of grave concern is the spread of HIV infection which is rising dramatically in the region to the extent that 40 per cent of Indonesia’s HIV and AIDS cases were located in Papua despite accounting for less than one per cent of Indonesia’s population. Another figure from 2002 shows that just over 20 people per 100,000 were infected with HIV in Papua, compared to only 0.42 people per 100,000 in the rest of Indonesia (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 34). Much has been suggested of Indonesia’s responsibility for the spread of such disease throughout the Melanesian population to the extent human rights groups say the spread of HIV is the result of systematic attempts to destroy the Melanesian population of West Papua. Interviews conducted with workers in Jayapura and Merauke who deal with prostitution and the spread of HIV suggest clear evidence “that there is security force involvement in prostitution at different levels” (Wing & King, 2005, p. 8). Leo Mahuye, a health worker in Merauke says HIV is spread by prostitutes who are brought in by the military to the extent that there is “an indication it is systematic killing…[a]s long as they are importing these women, as long as the military and the police back these activities here, they are committing killings” (Butt, 2005, p. 413).

The Jakarta Post
Searching for the words “West Papua” and “genocide” on The Jakarta Post’s online search engine returned 21 relevant articles between 2001 and 2011 relating to genocide and human rights abuses in the region. The articles were a mix of 14 opinion pieces and six news reports, as well as one question and answer article with West Papuan human rights campaigner John Rumbiak.

Of these 21 articles, one opinion piece and one news report both addressed the issue of genocide in the headlines. The first article published on 8 January 2001 titled “Is Indonesia becoming a genocidal society?” and despite its title it does more to contextualise the nature of genocide throughout history rather than draw any strong conclusions on West Papua. The article references the nature of genocide in Germany, Yugoslavia, Rwanda, and Burundi and makes the statement that the “cycle of genocidal society, which is already apparent in Maluku and other regions, must be broken by effective law enforcement measures”. The article makes this statement without any reference to West Papua or without further contextual evidence to back the statement up.

An article published on 19 August 2005 titled “RI condemns report by Aussie researchers on genocide in Papua” does more to address human rights abuses and genocide in West Papua in light of the University of Sydney’s Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies report Genocide in West Papua? The article provides diverging view points with Indonesia’s foreign ministry spokesman, Marty Natalagawa, calling the report “baseless” and Indonesia’s deputy military spokesman, Bibit Santoso, labeling the report “incorrect and untrue”. Yet the article uses more space quoting from the report and the centre’s director Stuart Rees, who says even though he is cautious using the word “genocide” this “significant document details the destruction of a people, their land and prospects”. The article also quotes one of Papua’s leading church figures, Rev. Socratez Yoman, who talks of the Indonesian military intimidation and says wherever there are Indonesian soldiers, “the militia and jihadists are there too. They are inseparable.”

There were five remaining news articles which addressed human rights abuses in West Papua and the issue of genocide through the sources that had been quoted. An article published on 8 April 2006 titled “Netherlands ‘respects’ RI territorial integrity” does little to address the issue of human rights abuse in West Papua rather it focuses mostly on the Dutch Prime Minister Jan Peter Balkenende’s recognition of Indonesia’s territorial integrity including Papua’s integration into Indonesia. It also focuses on Indonesian criticism of Australia’s decision to grant temporary visas to 42 Papuan asylum seekers. In this criticism the article mentions the Papuan activists have accused Jakarta of genocide.

A news article published on 20 May 2006 titled “RI asks Australia to recognise territorial integrity in treaty” focuses on Indonesia’s effort to ‘get assurances that no neighboring country will support the succession of Papua from Indonesia’ and asking for Australia to “express its commitment to Indonesia’s territorial integrity in a written agreement”. Once again the article does little to address issues of human rights in the region by failing to quote West Papuan sources. It only puts some context to the story by saying that the “Papuans, including pro-independence activists and their families, have accused Jakarta of ‘genocide’ in Papua”.

The remaining articles focused more heavily on human rights abuses and the question of genocide. A news article published on 9 June 2007 titled “Papuans greet UN envoy with rallies, demands” focused on the visit of UN Secretary General on Human Rights Defenders Hina Jilani’s visit to the region. The article draws many sources and quotes around human rights abuses and the issue of genocide quoting West Papuan’s who had pleaded with Jilani and the UN to “stop the genocide of the Papuans” and “stop the killing in west Papua”. An article published on 27 January 2011 titled “RI, int’l public push for civilian court for torture” focuses on the torture of two West Papuan and calls for the Indonesian soldiers who committed the torture to be tried in a civilian court rather than an Indonesian military tribunal. Lastly an article published on 18 October 2011 titled “ 5000 attend 3rd Papuan people's congress” focuses on the congress looking at the issue of human rights abuses in the region. It quotes organizing chairman Selpius Bobii who says “we greatly need support and solidarity from every party that upholds the values of democracy, basic human rights, honesty and justice for the sake of protecting the people of Papua from genocide”.

The remaining opinion pieces provided various forms of context to the human rights abuses in West Papua written mostly by outside observers. The most critical opinion piece was written by Roman Catholic Priest Neles Tebay on 28 September 2006 titled “More questions for the ICG on Papua issue”. The article strongly criticises the findings of the International Crisis Group who denied allegation of genocide in West Papua and downplayed any human rights abuses in the region. Tebay asks “what was or were the true intent(s) of the military operations conducted against the Papuans then, if not to wipe out the people in whole or in part?”

Finally, a question and answers article with West Papuan human rights campaigner John Rumbiak on 24 March 2000 titled “No letup in security approach spells trouble in Irian Jaya” does a lot to provide context and a West Papuan view point to the situation in the region. It adds context to the abuses with reference to the 1969 Act of Free Choice and the political circumstances surrounding the act and Rumbiak articulates West Papuan grievances on a number of levels.

The New Zealand Herald
Searching for “West Papua” and “genocide” on The New Zealand Herald’s online search engine drew only five relevant articles dating from 1999 (two articles have not been dated). Of these five articles, two are opinion pieces by Auckland Indonesian Human Rights Committee spokeswomen Maire Leadbeater, one is an opinion piece by former President of East Timor Jose Ramos-Horta, one news piece that briefly mentions Yosepha Alomang’s award for her “resistance against the destruction of rainforest, rivers and local culture caused by decades of gold mining in West Papua”, and another article that questions the right of four Indonesian military officers to study at Massey University in light of Indonesian military brutality.

Maire Leadbeater’s article (undated) titled “On the brink of genocide” is critical of the Pacific Islands Forum leaders' failure to address the issue of West Papua. In the article she contextualises West Papua by drawing parallels to East Timor and by mentioning the 1969 Act of Free Choice and the consequences of the act. She draws on human rights estimates that 100,000 Papuans have been killed as a result of Indonesian military brutality and she references The University of Sydney’s Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies report to make her claim that the situation in West Papua is approaching genocide.

Leadbeater’s second article (undated) “West Papuans Face Masters of Terror” cited the Yale report to draw attention towards crimes against humanity including “torture, disappearance, rape, extra-judicial killings and destruction of resources” and that the report “strongly indicated a breach of the United Nations genocide convention”.

Jose Ramos-Horta’s opinion piece on 13 September 1999 titled “A terrible price to pay for freedom” again draws a parallel between West Papua and East Timor and raises the question of crimes against humanity, including genocide.

The Sydney Morning Herald
Searching for “West Papua” and “genocide” on The Sydney Morning Herald online search engine retrieved five relevant articles including two opinion pieces and three news articles between 2007 and 2011.

An opinion piece by Jennifer Robinson on 12 September 2011 titled “Leaks reveal it’s past time to speak for West Papua” draws attention to human rights abuses in the region and the level of surveillance and lack of transparency for journalists and human rights watch groups. On a visit to West Papua for a human rights group she mentions she was warned by an Australian diplomat that her “human rights work risked ‘becoming a political football'’ for [the Australian] government and that [she] was to ‘'keep [her] head down’”.

An opinion piece by Greg Poulgrain on 31 December 2009 titled “Oil and politics prove fatal mix for the people of West Papua” draws on West Papua’s colonial context since the Dutch and states that “[m]ilitary dominance in West Papua began in the 1960s and documents released under freedom-of-information from the US embassy in Jakarta in 1968 refer to the possibility of genocide occurring even then”.

On 18 June 2010 a news article titled “Papuans rally for independence” covers West Papuan protest to “reject the region’s special autonomy within Indonesia and demand a referendum on self-determination”. On 21 November 2009 a news article titled “Death in Papua: political intrigue clouds miner's murder” refers to the killing of an Australian mine worker in West Papua as the result of an Indonesian military assault. And on 27 March 2007 an article titled “Report warns against Lombok Treaty” refers to a security treaty with Indonesia that potentially restricts Australia's ability to speak out about human rights abuses. The article goes on to reference the University of Sydney’s Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies report on genocide in the region and quotes that “Australia will be providing training, funding and material aid to Indonesian forces who are engaged in what many Papuans believe is genocide against their people”.

Conclusion
Through widespread violence, killings, torture, disappearance, rape, exploitation of land, transmigration, and the systematic spread of infectious diseases, the West Papuan people are suffering human rights abuses at the hands of the Indonesian military to the extent that the nature of the abuses are consistent with the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. In terms of facing the nature of these human rights abuses and raising the question of genocide directly, the Jakarta Post was more consistent than either The Sydney Morning Herald or The New Zealand Herald in raising these issues within its content. The New Zealand Herald and The Sydney Morning Herald both had very limited content raising the question of genocide within West Papua. However, The Sydney Morning Herald had a more diverse and relevant spread of content in relation to human rights abuses and the question of genocide within West Papua whereas if it was not for the opinion pieces of Auckland Indonesian Human Rights Committee spokeswomen Maire Leadbeater, The New Zealand Herald would have had next to no content at all on this issue.

Nigel Moffiet researched and wrote this report as an Asia-Pacific Journalism postgraduate assignment at AUT University.

References
Books and journal articles:
Banivanua-Mar, T. (2008). ‘A thousand miles of cannibal lands’: imagining away genocide in the re-colonization of West Papua. Journal of Genocide Research, 10(4), December, 583-602.

Brundige, E.; King, W.; Vahali, P.; Vladeck, S.; Yuan, X. (2004). Indonesian human rights abuses in West Papua: Application of the law of genocide to the history of Indonesian control. Allard K. Lowenstein International Human Rights Clinic, Yale Law School.

Butt, L. (2005). ‘Lipstick girls’ and ‘Fallen women’: AIDS and conspirational thinking in Papua, Indonesia. Cultural Anthropology, 20(3), pp. 412-442.

Kirsch, S. (2010). Ethnographic representations and the Politics of Violence in West Papua. Critique of Anthropology, 30(1), pp. 3-22.

Sautman, B. (2006). Cultural genocide and Asian state peripheries. New York : Palgrave Macmillan

Wing, J. & King, P. (2005). Genocide in West Papua? The role of the Indonesian state apparatus and a current needs assessment of the Papuan people. West Papua Project at the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Sydney.

News articles:
The Jakarta Post (2000). No letup in security approach spells trouble in Irian Jaya

The Jakarta Post (2000). West Papua: Will it become the next East Timor for Indonesia?

The Jakarta Post (2001). Is Indonesia becoming a genocidal society?

The Jakarta Post (2002). Soeharto and the grand scheme of things

The Jakarta Post (2005). RI condemns report by Aussie researchers on genocide in Papua

The Jakarta Post (2005). Founding West Irian Jaya province

The Jakarta Post (2006). Netherlands 'respects' RI territorial integrity

The Jakarta Post (2006). How to protect Papuans -- and RI-Australia ties

The Jakarta Post (2006). RI asks Australia to recognise territorial integrity in treaty

The Jakarta Post (2006). More questions for the ICG on Papua issue

The Jakarta Post (2007). Papuans greet UN envoy with rallies, demands

The Jakarta Post (2007). Indigenous languages in danger of disappearing

The Jakarta Post (2008). The possibility of indicting Soeharto after his death

The Jakarta Post (2008). On Timor Leste's present situation

The Jakarta Post (2008). New strategy behind separatism in Papua

The Jakarta Post (2009). He ain't heavy, he's a brother from Papua

The Jakarta Post (2009). Munir and the protection of rights defenders

The Jakarta Post (2009). Issues: `Who is responsible for poverty in Papua?'

The Jakarta Post (2010). Text your say: Gus Dur or Soeharto?

The Jakarta Post (2011). RI, int’l public push for civilian court for torture

The Jakarta Post (2011). 5000 attend 3rd Papuan people’s congress

NZ Herald (n.d.). Maire Leadbeater: On the brink of genocide

NZ Herald (n.d.). Maire Leadbeater: West Papuans face masters of terror

NZ Herald (1999). A terrible price to pay for freedom

NZ Herald (2000). Soldier students to finish studies

NZ Herald (2001) Journalists share top environment award

The Sydney Morning Herald (2007). Report warns against Lombok Treaty

The Sydney Morning Herald (2009). Death in Papua: political intrigue clouds miner's murder

The Sydney Morning Herald (2009). Oil and politics prove fatal mix for the people of West Papua

The Sydney Morning Herald (2010). Papuans rally for independence

The Sydney Morning Herald (2011). Leaks reveal it's past time to speak for West Papua

Blood money - Metro magazine

Genocide in West Papua?


Source; www.pmc.aut.ac.nz

Papuan Political Prisoner Refused Medical

The Asian Human Rights Commission released an urgent appeal on Friday calling on Indonesian authorities to allow a political prisoner suffering from a tumor to receive medical treatment.

AHRC reported that political prisoner Kimanus Wenda, held at the Nabire prison in Papua, needs surgery on a tumor in his stomach.

The report alleged the Papua legal and human rights department has refused to pay for Kimanus’s treatment, acting against a state law that requires the provision of medical fees and treatment.

“Wenda has had a tumor in his stomach and is constantly vomiting. He informed the health staff at Nabire prison but was not given any adequate response,” the report said.

Authorities have countered that Kimanus does not require the surgery.

Kimanus has suffered from the tumor since 2010. He was found guilty of rebellion in 2004 following a burglary at the Jayawijaya Wamena military district staff headquarters armory. Kimanus was sentenced to 20 years in prison.

AHRC filed another urgent appeal on Thursday regarding the arrest of three activists and nine locals in Kurulu, Papua.

“Armed officers came to Umpagalo at around 11 p.m., they beat three local activists, Melianus Wantik, Edo Doga and Markus Walilo, as well as nine villagers ... then stabbed them with bayonets for two hours, forced them to crawl and doused them with water for one hour.”

The report alleges that the officers acted without any command letter of authorization on unsubstaintiated allegations of a Free Papua Movement (OPM) meeting in the village.

Source; www.thejakartaglobe.com

Aceh Agency to Be Model for Papua

De-emphasizing the much-criticized security approach in Papua and West Papua, the government has said it plans to make full use of a presidentially appointed body to coordinate development in the restive provinces.

Vice President Boediono said on Wednesday that the Unit for the Acceleration of Development in Papua and West Papua (UP4B) would act like the Aceh-Nias Reconstruction and Rehabilitation Agency (BRR), which led rebuilding efforts after the devastation of the 2004 earthquake and tsunami that hit the region.

The UP4B, Boediono told journalists at his office, was formed by presidential decree and thus would not have the same strength and power as the BRR, which was formed by law. It would take the latter as a model nonetheless, he said.

The unit is expected to coordinate all projects from the central and provincial governments for Papua and West Papua so that “the impacts will be more effectively felt by people there.”
Retired military commander Lt. Gen. Bambang Darmono, heads the UP4B.

From 2002 to 2010, the government has poured Rp 28.1 trillion ($3.1 billion) from the state budget into Papua and West Papua to develop the provinces, but critics have said the fund has been ill managed and graft-prone, leaving most Papuans with little material improvement in their living standards or wellbeing. Most Papuans still live in poverty with limited access to health care, education, jobs and other essentials.

“The definition of ‘prosperity approach’ will be expanded,” Boediono said, adding that the increased scope would not only cover the provision of public facilities, infrastructure and services, “but also a sense of security and justice.”

He said the government was looking at ways “to win the hearts and minds” of the Papuan people.

Coordinating Minister for the Economy Hatta Rajasa, speaking at the same occasion, said any development in Papua and West Papua “should be not only visible but concretely felt.”

The government’s new focus on the Aceh agency as a model for the development of Indonesia’s easternmost provinces is “to make sure that the [budget] funds are really rightly used,” said Hatta. He said use of the budget allocation for the provinces “should have the result that it enhances prosperity.”

Many Papuans accuse the government of unfairly distributing revenues from exploitation of the region’s natural resources, while a low-level insurgency has persisted for decades, fueled in part by recurring human rights abuses perpetrated by security forces.

Source; www.thejakartaglobe.com

Indonesia Falls 29 Places in World Index

Press freedom has declined again in Indonesia over the past year, according to Reporters Without Borders, which released its 10th annual press freedom index on Wednesday.

Pointing largely to the killing, kidnapping, and assault cases in West Papua last year, the non-profit organization has ranked Indonesia 146th for 2011, a drop of 29 places from 117th in 2010. In 2009, Indonesia ranked 100th.

In addition to its rank, Indonesia’s overall score has also gotten progressively worse, from 28.50 in 2009 to 35.83 in 2010 and 68.00 last year.

The organization said an army crackdown in West Papua, where at least two journalists were killed, five kidnapped and 18 assaulted in 2011, was the main reason for the country’s fall to the 146th spot in the index.

“A corrupt judiciary that is too easily influenced by politicians and pressure groups and government attempts to control the media and Internet have prevented the development of a freer press,” Reporters Without Borders said in its press release.

The chairman of the Legal Aid Foundation for the Press (LBH Pers), Hendrayana, said the Reporters Without Borders index was in line with LBH Pers’s own findings.

He said two journalists in Manokwari, West Papua, last year received death threats in text messages from a district attorney who demanded that they stop reporting on him.

Hendrayana said LBH Pers recorded 96 cases involving the intimidation of journalists in 2011, including both physical and non-physical assaults.

The military and police are alleged to have been behind most of the physical assaults.

Hendrayana said several cases, including killings, had been left unresolved.

He cited the case of Ridwan Salamun, a cameraman for Sun TV who was hacked to death while covering an intervillage clash in Tual district, Maluku, in August 2010. He also cited Alfrets Mirulewan, editor of the Maluku newspaper Pelangi Weekly, who was found dead on a beach on Kisar Island that year.

Eko Maryadi, chairman of the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI), emphasized the poor record of law enforcement when it came to journalists. From 1996 to 2010, 10 journalists were murdered, he said, but only one case had been resolved.

He said the AJI had predicted the country’s drop in the latest Reporters Without Borders index and had written about it in its year-end notes.

It is disappointing, Hendrayana said, because in terms of story coverage, press freedom in Indonesia is doing fine. However, after journalists publish their reports, he said, nobody can guarantee their safety.

“Journalists are continuously facing threats in Indonesia,” he said. “The government and law enforcement institutions seem to turn a blind eye to this issue. We should urge law enforcers to resolve these cases of killing and assault targeting journalists.”

Reporters Without Borders also noted the rise of violence and censorship in Asia.

It stated in its release that violence and impunity persist in Pakistan, Afghanistan and the Philippines, and it noted more repression in Sri Lanka, Vietnam and China.

Source; www.thejakartaglobe.com

West Papua Violence Hits Indonesian RSF Media Rankings

Press Release – West Papua Media Alerts

PARIS ( Reporters sans frontières / Pacific Media Watch ): An Indonesian military crackdown in the West Papua region, where at least two journalists were killed, five kidnapped and 18 assaulted in 2011, is the main reason for the country’s fall to … West Papua Violence Hits Indonesian RSF Media Rankings – NZ, Fiji Fall

http://en.rsf.org/press-freedom-index-2011-2012,1043.html

PARIS (Reporters sans frontières / Pacific Media Watch): An Indonesian military crackdown in the West Papua region, where at least two journalists were killed, five kidnapped and 18 assaulted in 2011, is the main reason for the country’s fall to 146th position in the annual Reporters Without Borders press freedom index.

A corrupt judiciary that is too easily influenced by politicians and pressure groups and government attempts to control the media and Internet have prevented the development of a freer press, said the 2011 RSF report released today.

West Papua strongly featured in an earlier Pacific Journalism Review media freedom report which condemned Indonesia’s human rights record in October.

Fiji, which has a draconian media decree imposed by the military backed regime that seized power in a 2006 coup, dropped again to 117th. The survey was completed before the Pacific country lifted its Public Emergency Regulations (PER) earlier this year.

Countries that have “traditionally been good performers in the Asia-Pacific region did not shine in 2011″, the RSF report said.

“With New Zealand’s fall to 13th position, no country in the region figured among the top 10 in the index.

“Hong Kong (54th) saw a sharp deterioration in press freedom in 2011 and its ranking fell sharply.

“Arrests, assaults and harassment worsened working conditions for journalists to an extent not seen previously, a sign of a worrying change in government policy.

“In Australia (30th), the media were subjected to investigations and criticism by the authorities, and were denied access to information, while in Japan (22nd) coverage of the tsunami and the Fukushima nuclear accident gave rise to excessive restrictions and exposed the limits of the pluralism of the country’s press.”

The best ranked Pacific Islands nation was Papua New Guinea (35th), three places above France (38th) which has territories in the region.
Samoa (54th) ranked equal with Hong Kong, just ahead of the United States territories and well clear of Tonga (63rd) and Timor-Leste (86th). Vanuatu, which has been a problem over the past year, was not listed. Nor was the Solomon Islands.

“In the Philippines (140th), which rose again in the index after falling in 2010 as a result of the massacre of 32 journalists in Ampatuan in November 2009, paramilitary groups and private militias continued to attack media workers,” the RSF report said.

“The judicial investigation into the Ampatuan massacre made it clear that the response of the authorities was seriously inadequate.

“In Afghanistan (150th) and Pakistan (151st), violence remained the main concern for journalists, who were under constant threat from the Taliban, religious extremists, separatist movements and political groups.
“With 10 deaths in 2011, Pakistan (151st) was the world’s deadliest country for journalists for the second year in a row.”

Full RSF 2011 press freedom report: http://en.rsf.org/press-freedom-index-2011-2012,1043.html

Pacific Journalism Review 2011 media freedom report: http://www.pmc.aut.ac.nz/research/pacific-media-freedom-2011-status-report

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Thursday, January 26, 2012

HRW: Sectarian violence has surged in RI

Throughout 2011, Indonesian authorities used excessive force against peaceful protesters in easternmost Papua and stood aside while mobs attacked religious minorities in Java and Sumatra, Human Rights Watch said in its World Report 2012.

The Indonesian government should release all detainees held for peacefully expressing views opposing the government, mainly Papuan and Moluccan activists, Human Rights Watch said. The government should also thoroughly investigate and prosecute violence against religious and ethnic minorities.

“Police violence in Papua and attacks on religious minorities got a lot worse in 2011,” said Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch, in a statement on Monday. “The common thread is the failure of the Indonesian government to protect the rights of all its citizens.”

In October, police used excessive force while arresting more than 300 Papuans involved in a three-day Papuan Congress in Jayapura, the provincial capital. At least three men died and more than 90 were injured. No police officers were disciplined but five Papuan leaders were charged with treason.

Further more, Human Rights Watch noted that incidents of violence against religious minorities became more deadly and frequent during 2011, as Islamist militants mobilized mobs to attack religious minorities. Short prison terms for a handful of offenders had no impact on the widespread impunity for those responsible for the worst offenses. The government did not revoke several decrees that discriminate against minority religions, fostering public intolerance.

Islamist mobs attacked members of the Ahmadiyah religious community and their mosques in 14 locations, including West Java, Banten and South Sulawesi. Even in the deadly attack against an Ahmadiyah community in February 2011, when three Ahmadis were killed, attackers were only sentenced to short prison terms of between three and six months for disturbing public order, incitement and assault. They were not convicted of manslaughter. Police did not conduct thorough investigations, and prosecutors did not call key witnesses, including a man who videotaped the attack.

Islamists also attacked three Christian churches in Temanggung, Central Java, in February after a district court convicted a controversial preacher of blasphemy. In January 2011, the Supreme Court ruled that a Presbyterian church known locally as GKI Yasmin should be reopened, overturning a Bogor administration ruling by the city government to revoke the church’s building permit. Mayor Diani Budiarto refused to comply, and government ministers have offered the church “relocation”.

“Incidents of sectarian violence are no longer isolated cases in Indonesia, but are taking place at an alarming rate,” Pearson said. “The Indonesian government needs to reverse course and start prosecuting violence against religious minorities and replace the discriminatory regulations that only encourage such attacks.”

Source; http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2012/01/24/hrw-sectarian-violence-has-surged-ri.html